Judge Sonia Sotomayor: Making the Same Mistake Twice

This article was featured in The Bulletin (Philadelphia-area newspaper) on 6/1/09. You can view the newspaper version here, or check out the print column every week.

Sonia SotomayorLike Barack Obama, who rose from an impoverished background to become the nation’s first African-American President, Judge Sonia Sotomayor has a powerful and inspirational life story. The daughter of immigrants, she grew up in a housing project in the South Bronx, and had to struggle through a difficult childhood without her father. Overcoming cultural and racial barriers, she went on to graduate from Princeton, and eventually from Yale Law School. Her appointment would make her the first Hispanic to serve on the Supreme Court. In Ms. Sotomayor, President Obama likely sees a reflection of himself.

But President Obama and Judge Sotomayor share more than inspirational life stories. They share a troubling and dangerous view of jurisprudence, informed by a liberal ideology that places emotional activism ahead of rational objectivity.

When Justice Souter announced his retirement a month ago, President Obama stated that future Supreme Court justices should have “empathy” for “people’s hopes and struggles,” and work to understand “the daily realities of people’s lives—whether they can make a living and care for their families.” On Tuesday, he praised Judge Sotomayor’s “experience being tested by obstacles and barriers, by hardship and misfortune…a necessary ingredient in the kind of justice we need on the Supreme Court.” President Obama made it clear: The courts ought to be governed by empathy, and legal decisions ought to be shaped by personal experience.

Similarly, Judge Sotomayor has stated that minority judges must consider their “experiences as women and people of color,” and allow such experiences to “affect our decisions.” She later went on to say that “I would hope that a wise Latina woman with the richness of her experience would more often than not reach a better conclusion than a white male who hasn’t lived that life.” Like President Obama, Ms. Sotomayor’s statements shed light on her acceptance of judicial bias.

Perhaps most telling is Judge Sotomayor’s view on judicial activism: “The Court of Appeals is where policy is made. And I know – and I know this is on tape and I should never say that.” Her lengthy history of case law affirms this position, most notably in her now famous decision to essentially forward racial quotas in the New Haven firefighter case.

Thus, given her background and ideology, it should not be surprising that President Obama chose Judge Sotomayor as his nominee. He simply saw a reflection of himself: Inspirational life story; historic racial implications; liberal activist ideology.

As President, that ideology pulls Mr. Obama to attempt to right the perceived injustices in society through government intervention and control. As judge, that ideology pulls Ms. Sotomayor toward judicial activism and legal empathy. The first is dangerous, the latter unjust.

Judicial activism, in short, means that the courts make and shape law. When an activist court hears a case, it decides if the law in question is the right law for society, and rules accordingly. It seeks to alter or define the legal landscape.

The problem is that the creation of law is meant for the legislature. Legislators are supposed to serve as representatives of the people, and therefore work to create law that best serves their constituents. If the will or the composition of the people changes, or they do not like the law created by the legislator, citizens can affect change through elections. This is a true representative democracy.Jurisprudence

The role of the judiciary, by contrast, is to uphold and maintain the rule of law in society. It is to interpret the intent of the law as created by the legislature, and hold it to the rigorous standard of Constitutionality. That is why legislators are elected, while judges are appointed. As a result, judges are not to serve as representatives of the people, but instead as adjudicators of the law established by those representatives. This structure allows for a measured government with checks and balances, the essential framework established by our founders. Ms. Sotomayor’s activism directly threatens this balance.

The heart of Ms. Sotomayor’s judicial philosophy can be found in her regard for empathy and personal bias; a view shared closely with President Obama. When a judge begins to make decisions based on subjectivity, personal experience, or empathy, that judge ceases to be an objective arbiter. It should not matter, as Ms. Sotomayor says, that she is a Latina woman, or as President Obama says, that she comes from a difficult and diverse background. If those factors play into the decision making process, then the law has become emotional and subjective. Clearly, along with her ideological leanings, Ms. Sotomayor was chosen for her championing of such empathetic jurisprudence.

The whole of the argument is best summed up by Manuel Miranda, chairman of the Third Branch Conference, who said, “The president has nominated a highly credentialed judge with an inspiring life story. Regrettably, he also tainted the nomination from its start by suggesting that his nominee would judge based on personal feelings and background, or be biased with empathy for particular classes of litigants.”

In Sonia Sotomayor, we see an eerie reflection of President Obama. In law, as in government, the prospects of liberal activism are both perilous and unjust—judicial restraint should not be politicized. We have already seen the damaging effects of liberal governance, and we simply cannot afford to make the same mistake twice.

-Matt Benchener from TruPolitics.net

Obama on Abortion

This article was featured in The Bulletin (Philadelphia-area newspaper) on 5/22/09. You can view the newspaper version here, or check out the print column every Thursday or Friday.
 
Last weekend, President Obama visited Notre Dame, the nation’s preeminent Catholic university, and reignited a seemingly dormant abortion debate. Catholics around the world, from parishioners to clergymen, rallied against the university’s decision to have the pro-choice President deliver Notre Dame’s commencement speech.
President Obama Delivers The Commencement Speech at Notre Dame

President Obama Delivers The Commencement Speech at Notre Dame

As President Obama took the stage, hundreds protested outside the school’s gates. The media buildup to this moment was as strong as any during his short tenure in office.

Understanding the gravity of the situation, President Obama quickly cast a compelling vision for the future. He emphasized the historic nature of the times, and called for a new generation of leaders to embrace the challenges ahead. Part of this leadership, he said, would be to understand the importance of open mindedness and balanced political discourse.

Then, as he has done since first marking his path on the campaign trail, President Obama deftly wove his controversial stance on the issue at hand into a framework of common ground compromise. On abortion, he called for the use of “fair-minded words,” and noted that we must “open our hearts and our minds to those who may not think like we do or believe what we do.” He continued by saying, “Maybe we won’t agree on abortion, but we can still agree that this heart-wrenching decision for any woman is not made casually, it has both moral and spiritual dimensions…that’s when we discover at least the possibility of common ground.” Queue the applause.

President Obama, who has since been lauded by the media for his fair minded handling of the controversy, did what he has always done best: He painted himself as a moderate in the midst of extreme controversy. This first began on the campaign trail, when a Senator with only 143 days of active service in the Senate, the most liberal voting record in the history of Congress, and strong ties to extremists William Ayres and Jeremiah Wright, somehow became a moderate, inspirational leader. It continued with his ascendance to the White House, where sharply liberal earmarked spending initiatives, like the stimulus and the 2010 budget, became the balanced solution to the economic crisis. It now persists with the abortion debate, where his stance, carefully articulated at Notre Dame, is a measured approach that emphasizes liberty while showing reverence for morality. Queue the applause.

Protestors Outside of Notre Dame

Protestors Outside of Notre Dame

What Americans must realize is that President Obama is arguably the greatest politician in U.S. history. He is an incredibly powerful speaker, who combines inspirational rhetoric with a disarming sense of humor. He crafts the message of each policy initiative to draw in both sides of the aisle. While such political acumen can provide for unifying leadership in a time of crisis, it can also hide the reality of an aggressive partisan agenda.

On abortion, that reality is that President Obama holds the most extreme views of any elected official. While in the Senate, he opposed the ban on partial-birth abortion—a practice fellow Democrat Daniel Moynihan once called “too close to infanticide.” He later publicly attacked the Supreme Court decision upholding the partial-birth ban. While serving in the Illinois state Senate, he came out strongly against a bill similar to the Born Alive Infant Protection Act, which prevents the killing of infants mistakenly born alive during attempted abortions. Put bluntly, this means President Obama supports a mother’s right to terminate a birthed child, so long as the child was birthed with the intention of aborting it.

During the 2008 campaign, he famously claimed that he would not want his daughters to be “punished with a baby” because of a crisis pregnancy. More recently, he eased restrictions on federal funding for international family-planning groups that support abortion rights, and forwarded his agenda on embryonic stem-cell research.

To his credit, the centrist line that President Obama attempted to walk at Notre Dame would be welcome in the abortion debate. But, as often happens in politics, reality betrays rhetoric. As he has so clearly demonstrated on issues of economic and fiscal policy, President Obama’s stance on abortion is far from moderate. And on an issue so important to so many, such extremism is simply unacceptable.

I have long strayed from commenting on abortion because of the deluge of impassioned and emotional arguments on both sides of the issue. Rational discourse left the landscape of abortion a long time ago. Furthermore, I’ve said on many occasions that the Republican Party’s championing of certain social activist positions as “conservative,” like its hard-line claim that pro-life meant pro-Republican, did a great disservice to the true economic and philosophical underpinnings of conservatism. To that end, I hold that the question of abortion should not be a question of party, of liberalism, or of conservatism. All Republicans need not be pro-life, and all Democrats need not be pro-choice. Abortion transcends the philosophical divide between liberal and conservative, and the political divide between left and right.

Fundamentally, the question of abortion is a question of the careful balance between life and personal liberty, and should be met with sobriety, not banal rhetoric. Those that are pro-life must understand that the pro-choice position is fundamentally a position of personal liberty and freedom. Those that are pro-choice must understand that the pro-life position is intensely spiritual, and is rooted in a desire for justice for the innocent. In this discourse, there is no place for President Obama’s dismissive view of life.

What happened last weekend was a thinly veiled attempt by President Obama to paint himself as a moderate in the midst of a hailstorm of controversy. He performed, as he always does, magnificently. But Americans, certainly the media, must learn to look to the man, not the politician. And when that happens, they will find a man whose economic policies quash capitalism, whose social policies approach socialism, and whose views on abortion are wantonly extreme.  

-Matt Benchener from TruPolitics.net

Political Snapshot: Supreme Court Justice David Souter Retires

This is a new feature on TruPolitics.net. Political Shapshots offer a brief, concise summary of a current issue. Each Snapshot has a representation of the left and right perspective, as well as the TruPolitics take on the issue.

Last week, Supreme Court Justice David Souter announced he would be retiring from the Supreme Court. The departure of Justice Souter, whose tenure began with his appointment in 1990 by President George H.W. Bush, leaves open a key seat for President Obama to fill.

Right:Most Republicans describe Justice Souter as the conservative jurist who wasn’t, a liberal judge in conservative’s clothing. Souter was the deciding liberal vote to uphold Roe v. Wade in 1992, registered a dissenting opinion in favor of Al Gore in the Bush v. Gore Florida ballot case, and has generally been seen by Republicans as an overly liberal and progressive judge. Because Souter himself is seen as liberal, the appointment of his replacement will not tip the current judicial balance. Republicans, nonetheless, will fight vehemently against any liberal nominee by the Obama Administration. This serves two purposes: 1.Ideloglical—to call to light issues with judicial activism and the need for conservative justices; 2. Political—to stall the general Democrat agenda by tying up debate and legislation with the approval and vetting process.

Left: Most liberals laud Justice Souter as a man who broke from the party which appointed him and shunned partisan politics in favor of proper judicial practice. They praise his progressive record, and view him as a savior of sorts that kept the Supreme Court from falling into conservative control. The appointment of a justice is a key legacy for any president, and Obama has already made it clear he favors a progressive over a conservative. Democrats know they are in for a battle, and have expressed a desire to keep the appointment and nomination process to a minimum so as to focus on their broader agenda.

TruPolitics: While Justice Souter’s tenure was disappointing along many conservative fronts, he should be admired for focusing on the law rather than politics. He was not a judicial activist, nor was he decidedly partisan. He did, however, view the Constitution as progressive, or malleable with time. Though he was more moderate than truly liberal, his overarching Constitutional philosophy toed the line of progressive jurisprudence, a dangerous line that many of his constituents have crossed. Going forward, it is important that President Obama look for a justice who believes in strict interpretation of the Constitution, and who looks to uphold, rather than change, legal precedent. His early considerations, like Judge Sonia Sotomayor and Yale Law Dean Harold Koh, represent a sharply liberal ideology that speaks of judicial activism. The law was never meant to make policy; that is the job of Congress, and such activism threatens the balance so carefully established by our founders. The law was meant to reaffirm Constitutional values as to the Framers’ intent, not the intent of activists.

For an excellent take on the Supreme Court and the Constitution, I highly recommend Whither Goes the Constitution from The Daily Switch.

The AIG Mob

“The first thing that would make me feel a little bit better towards them if they’d follow the Japanese model and come before the American people and take that deep bow and say I’m sorry, and then either do one of two things – resign, or go commit suicide.”

-Senator Charles Grassley

Last week, news of the AIG bonuses grabbed every headline, took on the full attention of Congress and the President, and dominated political dialogue.  Thousands protested the bonuses, even going so far as to launch death threats at the employees, and the scandal drew battle lines for class warfare. But why so much outrage? The bonus payment of $165 million was only 1/1,000 of the total amount burned up by AIG in the bailout. Most significantly, AIG used at least $20 billion of the bailout to pay European banks for credit default swaps–Americans expressed more outrage over $165 million paid to American workers than $20 billion paid to foreign banks.AIG Protesters

That disconnect was simply the beginning of a firestorm that needs to be called to task. The AIG Bonusgate, as it is now being called, highlighted a deeply troubling trend toward American populism. Populism, broadly, is the idea that what is most popular is what should drive government action. In American politics, this often plays out as political pandering, where politicians starving for reelection and popularity rely on polls, rather than principle, to guide their action. This type of politics leads to irrational and emotional governance, the outputs of which resemble mob rule. The AIG story was a case in point.

Following the unveiling of the AIG bonuses, Congress and the President spent the remainder of the week excoriating Wall Street, casting judgment on AIG, and fanning the flame of outrage among the American people. On Wednesday, Congress summoned AIG’s volunteer CEO, Edward Liddy, and spent hours blaming him for the payouts, attacking his integrity, and lambasting the company. Mr. Liddy, they forgot, works for a salary of $1 dollar a year, and volunteered to lead the company out of the rubble following Wall Street’s collapse. He was appointed to the position by the government, long after AIG’s missteps, simply because he wanted to help unwind the AIG mess at the service of the country.

Meanwhile, thousands stormed the streets of Washington and Wall Street with protest signs too vulgar to repeat, promising vengeance on the AIG workers who had profited from taxpayer dollars. CNN played phone messages from angry citizens threatening to kill the employees’ families if they did not repay the bonuses. Tour companies organized bus trips to the employees’ New York homes so that people could vandalize, terrorize, and threaten the workers directly. All the while, in an effort to save face, politicians encouraged the outrage. 

Then, in a coup de grace of sorts, Congress forwarded a bill to tax the bonuses at 90%, and wrote legislation to review and limit all bonuses at all banks nationwide. This was the final blow. They threw away all precepts of contract law, breaking the contracts signed by AIG employees simply because of public outrage. They pushed aside Constitutional law, which expressly prohibits special taxes on private citizens, as well as government intervention in private contracts and enterprise. They began to embrace big brother government, demanding control and notice of all future bonus payments at financial institutions. These were dramatic measures that have been drowned out by public sentiment, but must be reconciled.

Was it worth it? Was $165 million worth violating the enduring and essential rights of private citizens, contracts, and the rule of law? Were the bonus payments so egregious as to threaten the very fabricAIG Protesters of our financial system, challenge capitalism, and push down Wall Street? All this while ignoring the massive and pervasive government waste from President Obama’s stimulus, replete with pet projects and earmarked pork. Of course, this is not to dismiss the irresponsibility of AIG and its traders, nor to ignore the fact that these employees contributed to the economic downturn. But we must recognize the creeping danger of populism: Public emotion leads to extreme and unwarranted action.  

This is why our founders fought so hard to establish a Democratic Republic, not a pure democracy. Pure democracy, they wrote, fails for two basic reasons: 1. The majority have complete and unchecked power, and are therefore drawn to violate the rights of the minority for their own gain; 2. Emotion tends to overtake the public, and leads to mob rule, rather than just rule.

The question here is simple: How did last week’s events differ from what the founders warned so clearly of? The public was outraged, and the emotional response to government waste of taxpayer money is understandable. But that emotion seeped indiscriminately into our political leaders, who from both parties attacked Wall Street with venom and played on the fragile state of the American worker. They then violated the very law and Constitution meant to protect us from such irrational governance. We must be careful not to let emotion and populist rule govern us, or else we will quickly devolve from a Democratic Republic into a Democratic Mob.

-Matt Benchener from TruPolitics.net

Add to FacebookAdd to DiggAdd to Del.icio.usAdd to StumbleuponAdd to RedditAdd to BlinklistAdd to TwitterAdd to TechnoratiAdd to FurlAdd to Newsvine

The True Story of AIG

 This article was featured in The Bulletin (Philadelphia-area newspaper) on 3/19/09. See the newspaper version here (go to pg. 23).

AIG BuildingLast October, we watched with shock and fear as the stock market began its sharpest downturn since The Great Depression. Market indices, which normally fluctuated between .25% and 1%, were suddenly thrown into whipsaw-like volatility, with shifts of 6% and 7% often occurring in the final hour of trading alone. Financial titans and landmark American companies once thought too large to fail fell almost daily: Bear Sterns; Lehman Brothers; Merrill Lynch; Wachovia; Washington Mutual, to name a few. At the bottom of the rubble was insurance giant AIG, a company that, just a year earlier, had been praised by analysts for its dominant cash flow and surplus capitalization. AIG’s stability was its hallmark (in 2007 it was ranked as the 47thmost valuable brand in the world), building its brand around the now ironic tagline, “The Strength to Be There.” The story behind its collapse is more telling than a simple $165 million bonus payout. What happened?

AIG, like many other financial companies, got caught in the complex web of derivatives trading. With real estate and housing investment booming, investors were scrambling to grab a piece of the profit. For an insurance company like AIG, this meant trading credit default swaps. Essentially, AIG would agree to take on the default risk of a group of mortgages (called a tranche) in exchange for a highly profitable payment from the investor. Investment banks would approach AIG with a group of AAA rated mortgage bonds, and would buy what equates to an insurance policy against the group’s default. This allowed investment banks and traders to buy up mortgages and loans without absorbing any of the risk–all of the risk was in AIG’s hands, and all of the profit was with the investment banks. Or so they thought. The problem was that once the housing bubble burst, and the underlying sub-prime mortgages came to bear, AIG owed billions of dollars in insurance payments to cover the defaults. The loss was so large and so sudden, that AIG did not have the capitalization to pay for the losses. Add to this the fact that the derivatives traders had leveraged the risk at a near 20:1 ratio ($1 million dollars of loss now equated to $20 million), and the powerful titan of AIG suddenly owed substantially more than it was worth.

AIG was unable to pay those investors it had promised to insure, so its investors had to scramble to cover their own losses. No one had the capitalization to do so, and the fabric of Wall Street was ripped to shreds in a few short months. Government officials felt they needed to do something, so they quickly passed the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP). The goal was to give taxpayer money to banks to help recapitalize them, allowing them to cover their losses or pass off toxic assets. AIG was seen as essential to this process, as it owed so much to so many–it was too important to fail. The government rushed in, took an 80% ownership stake, and poured billions of dollars into reviving the company.

Now, AIG has been thrown back into the spotlight for the recent revelation of its $165 million bonus payouts to the derivatives traders that invited all the risk. Why the outrage? Because people hate to see their money given away indiscriminately, especially to those who contributed first hand to the economy’s decline.AIG

But where was this outrage when the government issued more than one thousand times this amount to failing companies in TARP I and TARP II? This misallocation was equally egregious–taxpayer money was paying for someone else’s indiscretion. We were taking on billions of dollars of debt to bailout companies that placed bets with worse odds, and nearly equal consequences, to a game of Russian roulette. All because the government felt it would be for our greater good; that a bailout would lead to stabilization, stabilization to economic growth, and economic growth to a return of taxpayer money.

The AIG story unveils a company, and its web of financial partners, who took unprecedented risk and fell because of it. It also unveils a government that was willing, for the supposed good of the public, to pour its citizens’ money into a broken financial system. But if capitalism is to run its course, companies that take unwise risk must be allowed to fail. By placing taxpayer money into the inefficient hands of companies like AIG, the government has only prolonged the downturn at the expense of capitalism.

Perhaps most significantly, however, we have invited in the moral hazard of government control in the marketplace, and government control of consumer investment. As an investor, you would never pour your own money into a company like AIG, carrying such a toxic balance sheet that you would be assured long-term loss. The true outrage, then, should not be about the $165 million paid in bonuses, but instead about the nearly $1 trillion taken from taxpayers and poured into faulty investment. AIG and its financial partners fell because they took foolish financial risk–taxpayers should not be asked to pay for their mistake. The true sin came long before the bonus payouts; it was berthed the moment capitalism died.

-Matt Benchener from TruPolitics.net

Add to FacebookAdd to DiggAdd to Del.icio.usAdd to StumbleuponAdd to RedditAdd to BlinklistAdd to TwitterAdd to TechnoratiAdd to FurlAdd to Newsvine

Follow

Get every new post delivered to your Inbox.